Egyptian presidential hopeful Hazem Saleh Abu Ismail is a powerful yet soft-spoken speaker. He appears in suits and wears a long, trimmed beard. If his sentences do not contain words like "justice", "oppression" and "humiliation", they likely carry quotations from experts hinting at the same.
During a speech in July, Mr Abu Ismail told those gathered that the only guarantor for the Egyptian revolution is a just ruler with a merciful heart. In Egypt, he added, greedy politicians had created rampant corruption, poor living standards and a legacy of foreign influence that threatens progress.
It is Salafis like him, Mr Abu Ismail says, who offer the best alternative for Egypt's future. And much to the West's dismay, many in Egypt appear to agree.
In last month's parliamentary elections, the Salafi Al Nour party won 24.4 per cent of the vote. The large share of ballots has been shocking to almost everyone, given that Salafis were never active in politics during Hosni Mubarak's rule, and were heard of only when they attacked churches or moderate Islamic figures like televangelist Amr Khaled.
For decades, peoples across the region have been ruled by dishonest politicians intent on doing everything to maintain power, even if that kept their people in poverty and prevented progress. Now, people are looking towards Islamists as an alternative, not necessarily to have religion in politics but to have ethics in politics.
It is rather unlikely that the Salafis could have done so well if the elections had been held on time in September. The delay helped them organise and establish electoral influence within the society. Also, as the revolution's euphoria receded many Egyptians lapsed back to familiar alliances.
The Salafis also benefited from the rise of moderate Islamists in Tunisia and Morocco, parties seen by many conservatives in Egypt as too compromising on core values. As a result, many Egyptians deserted the Muslim Brotherhood in favour of Al Nour.
Salafis, to be sure, are not a coherent group. One must not confuse the founders of the Salafi political party Al Nour (The Light) with the Salafi movement at large. Many Egyptians who call themselves Salafis have said they would not identity themselves with the emerging Salafi doctrine.
Abu Ishaq Al Howeini, one of Egypt's most renowned Salafi clerics, has opposed the involvement of Salafi clerics - but not the Salafi current - in politics lest they compromise the Salafi movement.
Other key Salafis, including Sheikh Mohammed Hassan, share his views, saying a person is bound to compromise his principles if he engages in politics. These clerics nonetheless arrogate to themselves a guiding role - similar to that of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, but without holding a political office.
Such disagreements, while ostensibly negligible now, will likely deepen. Islamists in general tend to splinter as they approach or hold power. Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, for example, faced similar tests following the downfall of the Mubarak regime and ended up divided into several factions.
"Islamists are good at uniting against something but they are not good at uniting for something," said Dr Tariq Ramadan, a professor of contemporary Islamic studies at Oxford University, in a lecture in Abu Dhabi recently.
Even if Egypt's Salafis do get their governing act together, compromises will be necessary.
By following puritan policies, Salafis would likely pit themselves against other Muslim forces within the Egyptian society. Burial sites and mausoleums, which Salafis believe must be levelled to comply with Sharia, are an integral part of mystical Sufi practices. Mohammed Yusri Ibrahim, a Salafi candidate during the election campaigns last month, was asked whether burial sites and museums would be destroyed if Salafis ruled the country. He replied the issue would be referred to Al Azhar University - the centre of Islamic learning.
This was clearly a diplomatic answer but is not without significance. What if the Salafis established influence over Al Azhar? The institute is revered in the Islamic world and extremists have historically been denied access to it. The institute is often used as a platform for religious moderation. In recent decades, the institute was perceived as a puppet for dictatorial regimes. So Salafis, or indeed any Islamists, will certainly try to restore the institute's reputation and credibility by asserting their presence.
For Salafis, it is not enough for Egyptians to be free. In their view, Egypt as a country must be free from foreign influence. "We [Egyptians] are not backward because we are backward by nature," said Mr Abu Ismail. "We are backward because they [outsiders and collaborators] are preventing us from advancing. We are a nation of prisoners."
Even with their electoral win, Salafis are not in the majority. To garner support they will likely focus on "neighbourhood reforms". Closing nightclubs in neighbourhoods with strong Salafi support, for example, is one likely tactic. The local vote will be their strongest card in the months ahead. How the rest of Egypt responds is unclear.
In a television game show before the elections, the Egyptian satirical singer Shaaban Abdel Rahim offered one idea. Asked what he would do "when the Salafists rule Egypt?", he replied, jokingly, that he would switch to religious songs and dedicate himself to reciting the Quran.
Egypt's democracy will hinge on how funny the singer's attempt at humour seems in coming months.
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